Yet white evangelical support for Mr.
4b. What Factors Shape Political Attitudes?
Trump exceeded 80 percent in the election; he did better even than George W. Bush, who was outspoken about his rebirth through Jesus. Graham has said of Mr. The infatuation appalls some others on the religious right, among them Michael Gerson , a speechwriter for Mr.
And what that means for the 2016 elections
Bush who was reared in an evangelical family. In an Atlantic magazine article this spring, Mr. Gerson criticized the likes of Mr. Graham and Jerry Falwell Jr. All the same, Mr. He shares, and augments, their fear that the country they know is slipping away — if not already lost, what with upheavals like legalized same-sex marriage, acceptance of gay and transgender rights, and the ascension of religious and racial minorities.
History of Religious Liberty in America
Those evangelicals, Mr. Thus far, he has delivered for them in significant ways.
His two appointments to the Supreme Court signal a desire to chip away at Roe v. Wade, the decision that legalized abortion. Breaking with decades of precedent, he shifted the United States Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv, a move long sought by both Israeli leaders and American evangelicals. Trump giving a similar speech. Will white evangelicals continue to influence the national discourse so powerfully? But the demographic tide would seem to work against them.
They are getting older, with a median age of Statistics from the Public Religion Research Institute in Washington show that they now account for 15 percent of the population, down from 23 percent a dozen years ago. A younger cohort of evangelical Protestants is increasingly black and Latino. They are more likely to believe that nurturing the newborn is at least as important as protecting the unborn, and that their self-description as pro-life includes desiring affordable health care for everyone.
Religious liberals want to change what it means to be a Christian voter | PBS NewsHour
In barn-red Texas, some white evangelical women have had it with unquestioned fealty to Republicans. Galvanizing them are Trump administration actions like separating immigrant children from their parents at the southern border, a policy they deem anti-Christian. For voters who feel as she does, it is a matter of establishing justice.
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They had, on average, two children each. This profile is comparable to that of the almost 4, abortion fund service recipients in the United States whose data we also studied. In the U. We found many similarities between the patients. They were also young, single parents of two.
These American low-income abortion-seekers traveled, on average, miles for their procedure. Recent changes to U. In mid-August, Planned Parenthood announced its withdrawal from Title X — a Nixon-era family planning program for low-income patients — due to a new requirement that Title X medical providers cannot also offer abortions. Title X funds have never been used to pay for abortion services.
But by eliminating funding for facilities that offer abortions in addition to other reproductive services, the Trump administration rule may leave millions of low-income Planned Parenthood patients without family planning care. The new rule is part of an old American effort, promoted by Christian activists and lawmakers , to make legal abortions as difficult as possible to obtain. The new Title X rule builds on the Hyde Amendment , which prevents federal dollars from paying for abortion expenses.
Low-income women relying on programs like Medicaid for health insurance must pay out-of-pocket for abortion, reallocating money that would otherwise go to food and rent. While most manage to access a wanted abortion , research shows, some poor American women end up carrying unwanted pregnancies to term against their will.
Many states in the southern U. Family Values and the Rise of the Christian Right chronicles how the family values agenda became so powerful in American political life and why it appealed to conservative evangelical Christians. Conservative evangelicals saw traditional gender norms as crucial in cultivating morality. They thought these gender norms would reaffirm the importance of clear lines of authority that the social revolutions of the s had undermined.
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In the s and s, then, evangelicals founded Christian academies and developed homeschooling curricula that put conservative ideas about gender and authority front and center. Campaigns against abortion and feminism coalesced around a belief that God created women as wives and mothers—a belief that conservative evangelicals thought feminists and pro-choice advocates threatened. Likewise, Christian right leaders championed a particular vision of masculinity in their campaigns against gay rights and nuclear disarmament.